In Part I (August, 2003) I discussed contemporary approaches for assessing the value of volunteering by examining methods of calculating the dollar value for volunteer work, exploring a cost benefits approach, and reviewing outcome evaluation. This article explores the implications of social capital and the search for a comprehensive volunteer audit to more fully measure the value of volunteering.
In 2000, Robert Putnam, Professor of Public Policy at Harvard University, published Bowling Alone, based on his extensive research of America's civic decline. His findings indicate that over the last 30-40 years there has been a increasing disconnect among family, friends, neighbors and social structures. The name "bowling alone" refers to the decline of bowling leagues in the US, and illustrates his theory. People today are bowling, but bowling leagues have almost disappeared. People are increasingly engaged in isolated activities and behaviors, and are losing the sense of social connectedness that is a foundation of our democratic society.
In recent years social scientists have framed concerns about the changing character of American society in terms of the concept of 'social capital.". . . Whereas physical capital refers to physical objects and human capital refers to properties of individuals, social capital refers to connections among individuals - social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them. In that sense social capital is closely related to what some have called 'civic virtue.'. . . [However] A society of many virtuous but isolated individuals is not necessarily rich in social capital. (Putnam, 2000, p. 19)
Putnam contends that social bonds are a powerful predictor of life satisfaction, and the loss of social capital has profound effects. For example, communities with less social capital have lower educational performance, more teen pregnancy, increased child suicide, higher crime rates, lower voting rates, and the loss of other neighborhood quality of life indicators. While his theory has been challenged, it has, nonetheless, called attention to the concept of social capital. Putnam suggests that 100 years ago the United States faced a similar decline in social networks, but found ways to correct itself through the formation of new social structures that built social capital. He cites the growth of organizations such as the Red Cross, Boy Scouts, YWCA, Urban League, etc. Most of these organizations had a very strong or predominate volunteer emphasis, and they built social capital because there was a strong emphasis on organized action. That emphasis on collective action or "community projects" has changed with the growth of episodic volunteering and an increased emphasis on personal rather than community service. Nonetheless, volunteerism is increasingly recognized as an important tool for building social capital.
Service can be a community commons where people come together to create layers of social connection and relationships. From traditional service clubs like Kiwanis, to neighborhood associations, to nonprofit boards, volunteerism weaves individuals together into the tapestry of community. Volunteers provide the human capital to run the independent sector. Millions of volunteers do the important work that allow voluntary associations to feed the hungry, advocate for social change, research new discoveries, protect neighborhoods, and worship together in community. (Nunn, 2003, p.14)
Social capital is very difficult to measure, and it is not the only outcome of volunteering. Last month we looked at ways of determining economic capital by calculating the economic value of volunteering. Currently there is considerable discussion in the world community about expanding our vision of the impact of volunteerism beyond economic capital, to include physical capital, human capital, and social capital.
Physical capital is the product or output produced by volunteer efforts. This type of measurement requires organizations to put an economic value on the physical outcome of volunteer efforts, such as calculating the value of a playground built by volunteers.
Human capital focuses more on the volunteers themselves, and considers "the acquisition of skills and personal development resulting from volunteering." (Smith, 2003, P. 50) Documenting human capital will require techniques for gathering input from volunteers about the impact of the volunteer experience on their personal and professional growth.
"While physical capital is concerned with inanimate objects and human capital is concerned with individuals, social capital is about relationships and building bonds of trust between people" (Smith, 2003, p.51). Social capital is more difficult to measure, because it includes a broad range of indicators, such as voting records, membership in organizations, and levels of volunteering. For instance, we know (from Independent Sector research) that people who volunteer are more likely to attend church regularly. We might be able to find if they are more likely to vote, or more likely to be engaged in other civic activities. This is a critical missing element in most of the work being done today. Considering Putnam's work, there is a need to know how volunteering contributes to the greater development of our social fabric. Can we show that engaged communities are healthier, safer, and have higher voting records? Does volunteering develop a greater sense of trust and the creation of social bonds between people? Are we building internal communities of volunteers that help to build external communities?
Justin Smith, Institute for Volunteer Research, UK, raised this issue at the World Volunteerism Conference in Seoul, Korea in November 2002.
Most impact assessments of volunteering to date have tended to focus on the production of economic and physical capital - the financial saving to the organization and the delivery of identifiable or 'physical 'outputs arising out of the volunteer effort. In many ways these are the easy bits to measure. . .A total volunteering audit need to take into account each of these different forms of capital [economic, physical, human and social capital].
(Smith, 2003, p.49)
As we begin to expand our thinking and consider human and social capital, we will have interesting opportunities to demonstrate to funders that there are important aspects of volunteering that go beyond cost savings, economic equations and the bottom line on a balance sheet. Because funders, Boards and Directors are not asking for this, does not mean it is not our obligation to raise these issues for them. Volunteerism does have the potential to change human behavior (in the giver and the recipient), to build human capital that will enrich our communities, and to build social capital that can strengthen the fabric of our communities. Do we make more "livable communities" by engaging our citizens in the work we do? An interesting thought to consider!
Developing the tools* to carry out such an audit will not be easy. But it will be time and money well spent if it enables us to speak with confidence for the first time about the true value of volunteering.
(Smith, 2003, p.52)
*The Institute for Volunteering Research in the United Kingdom has received funding from the Global Services Institute in the United States to develop a Volunteer Audit Tool Kit to measure the contributions of volunteers.
Nunn, Michelle (2002). Volunteering as a Tool for Building Social Capital, The Journal of Volunteer Administration, 20:4, pp. 14-19.
Putnam, R. (2000). Bowling Alone: The collapse and revival of American community. Simon and Schuster.
Smith, Justin D. (2003). Valuing Volunteering, The Journal of Volunteer Administrations, 21:2, pp.49-52